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Kinship Inscribed: Naming as Social Practice in Bunt Society

  • Writer: SSN Shetty
    SSN Shetty
  • May 17
  • 13 min read

It's true: a name is a very important thing. If you'd asked me a few years back, I might have disagreed. I'd have said, "It's what you do that counts, not what you're called." But names do matter; they're how we recognize each other. While writing this, I got really into how people name their kids, and the different customs around the world. Did you know that in Denmark, there's an official list of names you can choose from? In Europe, there are more rules about names, but in India, people have much more freedom.


This can get tricky! I came across some Indian names, like Nigar (which means "beauty"), that might raise eyebrows in America. The same goes for names like Swastik or Swastika. While the Hakenkreuz is a symbol of hate, the Swastika is a sign of well-being for Jains, Buddhists, and Hindus. You'll often see it drawn in front of homes in India. One Indian mother in the UK was thinking of naming her daughter Swasthika but worried about the negative associations in the UK. So, her daughter has a "school name" and is still called Swasthika at home.


Many of my Chinese and Korean friends have a similar situation: they use one name in Western countries and another for their personal life. The Bunts have their own interesting naming traditions, where names can really shape a person's role in their community.


So, let's break it down.


How Bunt First Names Developed


Example name: Daareyakka


First names are important; they're what people call you and connect to your face. The earliest Bunt first names we know of come from a time when Bunts were navigating Jainism, Shaivism, and the rise of Vaishnavism in Tulunadu.


Before the 1500s, kings and queens in old oral histories usually had names based on:

  • How they looked

  • The day they were born

  • Their birth order


For example, a boy born on Tuesday might be named Angaara. A girl with very fair skin might be called Choma (meaning "moon-like"). It's important to note that Bunts, unfortunately, sometimes showed a preference for lighter skin, a tendency that has sadly continued.


The youngest girl in the family might be called Thangi in the Udupi area, or Sangi among Jains.


Adding "-akka" and "-anna" to names is a sign of respect. Older Bunt men might call you "Akka" even if you're much younger; it's a respectful way of addressing someone. This is common throughout India, where languages often have built-in ways to show respect. People are rarely called by their first name unless they're close friends and of a similar age.


If Choma had a younger sister, she might be called Chomakka or Chomakke, and simply Akku or Akke at home.


1500s-1900s


Names continued to be fairly simple but with added meaning. If a daughter's birth brought good fortune, she might be called Bolli. If a son was born after prayers to Lord Venkatesha, he might be named Thimanna or Thimappa. This was a time when Vaishnavism was spreading. Interestingly, families who prayed to Lord Vishnu often saved money each month, a practice called mudipu. This money was given to older family members who would travel to Tirupathi to make offerings on behalf of their family.


Offerings for daughters were more common. While the offering was for a girl, sons born were given names that invoked Vishnu.


Until the 1900s, popular names for girls included Deyakka, Abbakka, Daaraga, Chomakka, Gailakka, Siri, Ginde, and Solme. These came from pardhanas (oral histories) or were based on the girl's appearance. For instance, a very red-cheeked baby might be named Kempakka. Twins might be called Abbagga and Daaraga. A girl resembling flowers might be called Pooakka.

Boys were given names like Thimanna, Angaara, Somayya (born on Monday), and Aithappa (born on Sunday).


Shaivism was still common, so names like Rudrappa, Manjunatha, Manjayya and names related to Lord Shiva's sons were also popular. Common names during this time were Deju, Poovanna, Narasa, and Devu, again based on appearance, birth order, or oral histories. Tuluva Narasa Naayaka became very popular, which was the first time in our trace that children were named after someone "famous." While Devu Poonja was from a pardhana, and many sons were named Devu, the popularity of Narasa Nayaka led to many boys being named Narasa or Narasimha.


It was also common for women to name their eldest daughters after themselves, perhaps for continuity. For example, Padmakka of the Gurkaardi family would name her eldest daughter Padma. This was less common for men.


After the 1900s


Later on, names changed again.


Family gods and locality (grama) gods continued to be important. For instance, my grandmother's paternal uncle, a Pattaller of Balakunje Guthu, held significant religious authority. As both Patttaller and Gurkaara, he was also the Mukthesara or Adyakshara (the temple administrator) for a Vishnu temple at that time. His devotion to Lord Vishnu contrasted with my great-grandmother's family, whose family temple (aadi), Kabathar Mahalingeshwara, venerated Lord Shiva. This uncle's influence extended to naming his nephews, who received names associated with Lord Vishnu: Narayana, Shyama, Vittala, Jagannatha, and Jayarama.


Similarly, another family we interviewed, who favoured Lord Shiva, had male family members with names related to Shiva and his sons, Ganapathi and Subramanya.


However, Tulunadu also worships goddesses like Kateel, Kadri, Bappanadu, Mangaladevi, and Maarigudi. Many common first names, for both boys and girls, came from these goddesses, such as Gowramma, Parvatamma, Doomakka, Devika, Deviprasad (a gift from the goddess), and Durgaprasad. In the late 1800s and 1900s, names were also influenced by those who moved to Madras and Bombay.


Another interesting thing about first names was whether a child was born on a full moon or a new moon. In some areas, being born on an Amavasya (new moon) was considered either very lucky or very unlucky. The month also mattered. An Amavasya in the Tulu month of Aati was considered unlucky in some places and lucky in others. Special rituals developed around this. The child might be given to the Koraga community to be cared for and then brought back, symbolizing the child living through bad luck and entering a time of good luck. In many families, it was considered lucky to have a child named by the Koraga community. These children sometimes kept the names given to them, believed to provide protection.


First names changed again with the rise of Bollywood and as Bunts moved to other places. Names remained rooted in Sanskrit and Hindu deities. After the 1990s, Bunt's first name, in my view, became less unique compared to those of other Indians.


We found ~1927 names that were given to Bunts by the Koraga community in our sample.


How Bunt Surnames Developed


Example name: Daareyakka Shetdi or Thimmanna Raya


How did Bunts go from names like Devu Poonja and Thimmanna Ajila to having last names? Early on, surnames as we know them didn't exist. Instead, they came about from how groups of Bunts were referred to. Here are some examples:

  • Those living in palaces were called Araser or Arasa.

  • Noblemen involved in trading were called Shetrey or Shetdi (for women).

  • Those from the Adve region were called Adve-nthaya, which became Adyanthaya.

  • Noblemen in administration were called Raya, which became Rai.

  • Those who managed the granary and treasury were called Bhandaar-dagulu or Bhandary.


Similar patterns exist for over 98 current surnames. The -edi and -ey as suffixes depending on gender were common.


Before the 1700s, people carried their mother's "name." For instance, Shankari Poonja's son was Devu Poonja.

Or, imagine this: Poovakka, from a noble trading family, was called Poovakka Shetdi. Her children would be called Shetrey or Shetdi. Her husband might have been a Poonja, but her children wouldn't use that name.


Then, during colonization, surnames became common. Since most colonizers were patriarchal, records started showing paternal last names.


However, Bunts didn't completely abandon their matrilineal system.


We found that after 1830s nearly all Bunts in our sample used their father's last name with only a handful retaining their mother's last name.


House Names in Bunt Full Names: A Complex Identity


To understand how house names are used, let's look at some examples.


Scenario 1: (Not anonymized) - The non-matrilineal house name


Example name: Mallar Shankar Shetty | according to customs - Ammunje Guthu Shankar Shetty


My grandfather was from Ammunje Guthu. His grandmother moved to Kapu and started her own house. This might have been due to dowry or overcrowding. Whatever the reason, she moved to Kaup. My grandfather's father was from a house in Padubidri but owned land near Mallar in Kaup. His sons used "Mallar" before their names: Mallar Shankar Shetty, Mallar Prabhakar Shetty, and Mallar Ratnavarma Shetty. They had no connection to Mallar; their maternal house was Ammunje. Many families did this. Our study found about 341 families doing this, for reasons like:


  • To secure ownership of purchased land by using the place name.

  • To distance themselves from a negative experience in their maternal home by adopting a new identity.

  • Because they were ashamed of part of their heritage and preferred to be known by their new land and status.



Scenario 2: (Partially anonymized) - The half-truth name


Example name: Kolkebail Nadumane XX Shetty | according to custom Kolkebail Hosamane XX Shetty


This example is from Kolkebail village.

Bunts come from noble families. As mentioned in my article on Badhi, some houses gained good and bad reputations.


Divisions within families were common. One prominent Kolkebail family has three houses: Nadumane, Moodumane, and Hosamane. Though from the same family, they belong to different lineages and have slightly different identities.


Consider XX Shetty (not his real name). He is the son of a woman from Hosamane ("Hosa" means "new"). The main house, Nadumane, is well-known and respected. However, XX realizes his social value is lower because he comes from Hosamane. Since Bunts can be very particular about lineage, XX changes his name to Kolkebail Nadumane XX Shetty. This isn't entirely false, but his direct lineage is from Hosamane.

Changing his name to associate with the main house increases XX's perceived value.


Scenario 3: (Fully anonymized) - The half name


Example name: XYZ Beedu Sanman Hegde | according to custom - ZYX Guthu Sanman Malli


Take Sanman Hegde. Sanman's mother is from XYZ Guthu, a not-so-wealthy or well-reputed house. Sanman's father is from a Beedu. Sanman completely rejects his maternal house and uses his father's house name.


We found over 577 people in our sample who claimed their father's house name as their own. Although they did not receive any paal or maryaada in that house, the value of their father's house name had a significant role in them moving up in Bunt society.


It was also interesting to note that Bunt families who were aware of some of their family members adopting it on their paternal side had double standards on who was allowed to use it and who was accepted. If they were of good repute and brought the house a good name, they were more accepting. If the family had something against them or a hint of envy and jealousy, they were quick to correct and condescendingly mention that they did not belong to their house. If the family member was wealthy and was using the name of their paternal home, the paternal family have instances of using the wealthy person for the wealth but were quick to correct in gossip, that the person in fact did not belong to their family matrilineally.



Scenario 4: (Fully anonymized) - The mover's name


Example name: ABC Guthu VV Melanta | according to custom - DBC mane VV Mada


When Bunts moved away to places like Madras, Bombay, or the West, many sold their ancestral homes. Those who didn't receive their share of the family wealth or respect but became wealthy themselves bought these houses. They adopted the new house names, despite having no previous connection to them. These Bunts were called 'Kraya'k dethondinagulu,' meaning "those who bought it for money."


Many who bought it were also illegitimate children, half-bunts, or not rightful heirs. There were many who were caretakers of the main house who made a fortune and reestablished themselves as rightful heirs.


Many rightful heirs in pursuit of finding their ancestral roots have even bought back ancestral property. Villagers say the gods enabled them to do so.


Bunts have a strong connection to nature and the spirits that inhabit it. Their worship involves many deities, not just one. They especially venerate the serpents of the land. Even I, who believes in science and logic, have had to consider that there are things I can't explain and that patterns exist.


Many people, including some family members, have questioned my belief in this "mumbo jumbo." I can't give a rational explanation. There's no attempt to convert anyone; being a Bunt is about ethnicity, not religion. Also, this worship is common to all castes and tribes in this area.


You'll often hear phrases like, "Jaaga da naaga budpujer" ("the serpents of this land won't leave you") or "Daivollu budpuja" ("the spirits won't leave you"). These suggest that the spirits and serpents can bless or punish you; they maintain balance.


Having studied Kant, Rawls, and theories about egalitarian societies and justice, I find that, unlike those theories that focus on decision-making causing economic and sociological states, here, specific consequences are mentioned even for health, and I see patterns. Like a man who has built a house wrongfully on another woman's land, and suddenly finds his skin diseased. It's not for anyone to judge these beliefs.


However, I bring this up because a maternal home is very sacred to a Bunt. It houses their gods and the spirits that care for them. Each house has its own set of gods and spirits. For example, my grandmother's and grandfather's houses both have a Panjurli, Annappa in one and Kallurti in the other. Both serve the same purpose: to care for you. Yet, almost all Bunts believe that praying at one's maternal home has a different effect than praying at one's paternal home.


If you were to ask Bunts where they pray, those who are traditional will mention only the temples on their mother's lands, not their father's. In the past, the house name was extremely important. It was included on wedding invitations and served almost as a background check before the internet.


For instance, if you were marrying someone from Nitte Guthu, your maternal uncle might know someone from there and could ask about the character, wealth, and health of your potential spouse. This practice legitimized the person you were about to marry. While the personal name was their identity, the house name represented their family and its reputation.


The maternal house name also helped identify their bari or lineage. This was similar to DNA matching, preventing marriages between close relatives that could lead to health problems in children.


Furthermore, the maternal house helped in understanding the genetics of that family, such as whether members were tall or short and if there was a history of certain mental illnesses or conditions like polio. It was crucial to their beliefs.


For example, funeral rites for a deceased man were always conducted by his maternal family. A woman could always return to her maternal home and find family, even after her mother's death. Thus, the maternal house name provided security.


It also influenced behaviour. Marrying into a respected family meant you were expected to behave well or face the consequences. As a result, Bunts who moved away and lost their maternal home and name also lost these securities, and we saw limited success among those who adopted new names unrelated to their maternal homes.


Villagers attributed this to the wrath of the gods, saying, "Uppadhra (trouble) was shown by the gods." However, I believe it was due to the loss of security, identity, and the difficulty of integrating into a new social structure.


Evolution of Names and Acronyms in Bunt Names


Example name: Lamina Sadanand Shetty | according to custom - AB Guthu Sadanand Shetty


Bunts are a close-knit community. Whether abroad or in India, they're connected to someone you know, and their networking skills are excellent. However, many Bunts had similar names. For instance, my family knew two Sadashivs, three Lathas, and six Ratnakars. Family stories say my grandfather's brother was initially named Ratnakar, but because there were three with the same name in his class, his name was changed to Ratnavarma. My grandmother, born Ratna, also had her name changed because her cousin was also named Ratna, and the telegram arrived too late.


Bunts didn't change their names often. There were many Sadanands, Balkrishnas, Ratans, Kumars, and so on. So, Bunts began identifying people by their businesses or employers. For example, of two Sadanands, one became Lamina Sadanand Shetty, after his employer, Lamina, and the other became Dubai Sadanand Shetty, after his residence. Of three Praveens in the same social circle, one became Hotel Daar (the hotelier), another Mulky Daar (from Mulky), and the last Daactre (the doctor).


This practice caused some confusion. For instance, someone working at Nitte might be mistaken as belonging to the Nitte Guthu or town, rather than simply working there.

This became more common after the 1850s.


Around this time, men with long names like Attavar Balkrishna Shetty and Kemthoor Kanthappa Shetty began using initials or acronyms, such as AB Shetty and KK Shetty, which were easier for those outside Tulunadu to pronounce. This became a symbol of success among Bunts, indicating a level of prominence where one was known as BR Shetty instead of Bavaguthu Raghuram Shetty, or RN Shetty instead of Rama Nagappa Shetty.

I use initials not because I'm prominent, but because my name is so difficult to pronounce that it's often mispronounced.


In our sample, almost 61.3% of men had their place of work or business associated with their name. Women born between 1920-1999 were associated with the men in their lives if they did not have professional careers. Example - Lamina daar na budedhi, magal, megdhi ( The man from Lamina's wife, daughter, sister)

Only 3.12% of this range of women had people associated with them instead or known just by the house they came from.


Home Names and the Bunt Identity Crisis


Example name: Daaru


I once had a funny experience. Because my name is hard to pronounce, my grandmother calls me Ammmu. A man who only knew me by this home name was surprised to learn my legal name. One day, he was discussing me with someone who knew me only by my legal name. They realized they were talking about the same person!


This isn't unique to me. Most Bunts have nicknames for their children that are quite different from their actual names, a practice that goes back to ancient times.


When asked why their nicknames were so different, most people didn't know. However, we think these nicknames create a sense of familiarity, are exclusive to loved ones, and signify love and belonging within the family. Most people expressed fondness for their nicknames, mainly because of these associations.


Bunt naming practices are shaped by a mix of social, cultural, and behavioural factors. Socially, names reflect identity, lineage, and status, changing with shifts in social structures and cultural values. For instance, the adoption of surnames and changing house names show adaptation to new social and economic realities and evolving status perceptions. Behaviorally, naming decisions are influenced by biases like social proof (following norms), status signalling, and loss aversion (preserving traditional names).


Economic factors and the need for simplification in broader interactions also play a role in how names evolve, showing how Bunt nomenclature reflects both deep-rooted traditions and responses to changing social and economic landscapes.

  • Social Construction of Identity: Names aren't just labels; they reflect and reinforce identity, lineage, and social status. Identity isn't inherent but is created and negotiated through social interactions and cultural practices.

  • Social Stratification and Hierarchy: The evolution of Bunt surnames and the changing use of house names show how social hierarchies and power dynamics influence naming practices. For example, surnames were adopted due to colonization and the need to adapt to new social structures, while manipulating house names reflects attempts to gain status within the community.

  • Cultural Adaptation and Change: Bunt naming practices have changed over time in response to new socio-economic realities and cultural values. Culture is dynamic and adapts to new circumstances like migration, economic shifts, and globalization.

  • Social Psychology of Naming: Behavioral factors like social proof, status signalling, and loss aversion influence naming decisions. These concepts explain why people might follow traditional naming conventions or adopt new ones to improve their social standing.



Disclaimer: This wasn't a significant study on its own but is of great value when you understand how Bunts used names as currency.


Disclaimer 2: We used samples only where we could corroborate the anecdotal evidence with those who weren't in active contact with one another.


Disclaimer 3: This study has several limitations


P.S. I have a paper that I want to publish but need some more anecdotal evidence on a list of people. If you are a bunt between the ages of 65-85 willing to be interviewed - please reach out in the chat box.


P.P.S. We reached 100,000 reads, how crazy is that? I don't even know that many people.

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